VINDICTIVENESS of YELLOW

"We also received a request from President Aquino to bomb the rebel positions. I did not believe we should agree to do this— nor did [then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff] General [Colin] Powell… They could also explain the vindictiveness that is fast becoming the trademark of the current administration led by Cory Aquino’s son. "

Taken from: Jojo Robles

From the new autobiography of former United States Vice President Dick Cheney, “In My Time,” we read this interesting passage concerning the most violent coup attempt during the Cory Aquino administration, when Cheney was still defense secretary of President George Herbert Walker Bush:

“As we monitored events in Panama throughout the fall of 1989, we were also dealing with a potential coup in the Philippines. On November 30 we started getting reports that rebels opposed to the rule of Corazon Aquino had seized air bases belonging to the Filipino government. We also received a request from President Aquino to bomb the rebel positions. I did not believe we should agree to do this— nor did [then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff] General [Colin] Powell. For one thing, President Aquino made it clear she would publicly deny having made the request. Asking the United States to bomb Filipino citizens, even if they were rebels, would not go well inside her own country.”

If Cheney’s account is true, then Cory Aquino not only sought American help to bomb rebel forces led by then Col. Gregorio Honasan, with little regard for the lives that would be lost. She also wanted “deniability” if the US acceded to her request, doubtless so she could retain her image as a God-fearing Catholic instead of coming across as a desperate leader determined to hold on to power by any means, including American ordnance.

The Americans, of course, didn’t bomb Gringo and his men, using “persuasion flights” to keep the rebel-controlled air assets grounded instead. Cory later responded to the Americans’ refusal to bomb at her behest by snubbing Cheney when the latter visited Manila; she, according to the US, also allowed the bases in Clark and Subic to be “evicted” a couple of years later.

Cheney’s account of Cory Aquino’s vengefulness, by the way, was also related earlier by Bush’s vice president, Dan Quayle, in his own autobiography. Quayle, Cheney and Powell had to decide on Cory’s demands for bombings because Bush was traveling to Malta when the Philippine President started calling.

The accounts could douse cold water on the efforts of the Yellow crowd to canonize Cory as a saint of the Catholic Church. They could also explain the vindictiveness that is fast becoming the trademark of the current administration led by Cory Aquino’s son.

The Filipino reading public is not dumb!

"The Filipino reading public is not dumb. If you want to be popular again, be wholesome. Gusto [mo] ba gayahin ka namin? Ang trabaho n'yo is to inspire us, not to scandalize us." - Father Robert Reyes

FROM: SPOT PH

ABS-CBNNews.com reports that running priest Father Robert Reyes has called out actress Nora Aunor for her cover shot in the October 2011 issue of YES! magazine. The black-and-white photo shows the Superstar standing and artfully holding a cigarette.

It was the sight of the cigarette that prompted Reyes to tell Aunor, "The Filipino reading public is not dumb. If you want to be popular again, be wholesome. Gusto [mo] ba gayahin ka namin? Ang trabaho n'yo is to inspire us, not to scandalize us." He also added, "Nora, you are ill-advised. You think you are moving forward, it's a step backwards."

The ABS-CBNNews.com report said that Reyes' outburst was probably due to the fact that he was a volunteer for the Philippine Medical Association (PMA), which supports the "Smoke Free Philippines." Apparently, the PMA had also said that Aunor's photo on the cover of YES! magazine "conveys a bad image of artists."

YES! magazine editor-in-chief Jo-Ann Maglipon stood by Aunor's cover photo, saying that it "best captures the iconic star as she is today." She explained, "(Nora) speaks out now, against perceived hurts, about her sexuality, about her children. She also smokes. This new openness is her chosen expression of who she is today, and that is the reason I chose that photograph. It captures her."

Maglipon emphasized that the magazine supports the "Smoke Free Philippines" campaign and the cover was not meant to "flout" it. Nevertheless, she said, "In a perfect world, we will not have anyone smoking or drinking or gambling or lying. Not just in magazines, but out there in the real world. But apart from being in an imperfect world, there is the very real concern with freedom of expression, which not even the most well-meaning advocates should trample on."

Senators are becoming publicity hounds!

“(Joker) Arroyo believes investigations have been fishing expeditions against certain political targets. (Miriam) Santiago thinks they are motivated by the need for “self-promotion,” because “a number of Senators just want to see themselves on tv,” thus turning proceedings into “inquiries in aid of election... The habits and behavior of today’s politicians continue to evolve alongside the media’s growing influence on the political landscape. Senators, and politicians as a whole, would buy ad space when they can, or resort to more creative means to get the exposure when they cannot–all in aid of election, pundits claim. ”

by Karl Allan Barlaan and Christian Cardiente

The appeal for temperance is not without basis. But for the likes of Senators Joker Arroyo and Miriam Defensor-Santiago – the two lawmakers who have criticized their colleagues’ perceived lust for media exposure at the expense of the Senate’s legislative functions – calling for restraint is like paddling against the tides, more so because of the approaching 2013 mid-term elections.
After more than a year, the Senate of the 15th Congress, as of Sept. 6, has passed only nine laws of the 203 it had acted upon, out of 3133 bills and joint resolutions endorsed to it or filed before its committees. The figures are statistically inferior to that of the 14th Congress’ Senate which enacted 151 laws and submitted six for the President’s approval, among others.

For both Arroyo and Santiago, the underperformance is due to a penchant for “inquiries in aid of legislation,” from which, and ironically, not much legislation has resulted. Arroyo believes investigations have been fishing expeditions against certain political targets. Santiago thinks they are motivated by the need for “self-promotion,” because “a number of Senators just want to see themselves on tv,” thus turning proceedings into “inquiries in aid of election.”

But if other senators had their way, there would be a whole lot more of these inquiries. According to Senate records, as of Sept. 6, 60 percent or 328 of all 578 resolutions filed sought “inquiries in aid of legislation.”

These range from the first one, Senate Resolution No. (SRN) 6, filed 21 July 2010 by Loren Legarda on the “oil spill in Batangas,” to the latest, SRN 578, filed 24 August 2011by Manny Villar on “dog meat trade.”

Like most other resolutions, both remain pending at the committee level. Only 10 percent of these resolutions–58 of 578–have been adopted by the Senate; 30 or more than half of the 58 those adopted, “congratulating or commending” individuals or groups for their accomplishments. The rest are sub-divided into: resolutions expressing “sympathy or condolences;” pro-forma resolutions such as Adopted Resolution No. 1, informing the Executive that the Senate has been constituted; announcing new policies such as Adopted Resolution No. 21, authorizing the live streaming of select Senate proceedings; and constituting bodies such as Adopted Resolution No. 11, creating an Intelligence and Confidential Funds oversight committee.

Notably, and as if to confirm Santiago’s statements about the tendency for “self-promotion,” four consecutive resolutions–Adopted Resolution Nos. 46 to 49–respectively gave commendations to: minority leader Alan Peter Cayetano; majority leader Vicente Sotto III; Senate President Pro-tempore Jinggoy Estrada; and Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile. The resolutions were verbose congratulatory notes to Senate leaders for doing the job they had been mandated to do anyway.

Curiously, the Senate has yet to adopt Santiago’s SRN 86, filed 11 August 2010 or more than a year ago, urging the Ombudsman to act expeditiously on cases referred to it by Congress–aimed at ensuring that the findings produced from congressional investigations did not go to waste.
Moreover, just as the Senate has vigorously exercised “oversight function” over the Executive, its own rules remain lax on the submission of committee reports that should contain findings and recommendations that should result from investigations. Section 22 of the rules governing “inquiries in aid of legislation” provides that, “within fifteen (15) days after the conclusion of the inquiry, the Committee shall meet to begin the consideration of its Report.” The rules are silent on when an actual report should be submitted after its “consideration” has begun. “It is not uncommon for the Senate to conclude inquiries, (and) for Congress to adjourn, without having passed the corresponding committee reports,” claims a Senate employee.

Santiago’s criticisms, therefore, hold sway. The habits and behavior of today’s politicians continue to evolve alongside the media’s growing influence on the political landscape. Senators, and politicians as a whole, would buy ad space when they can, or resort to more creative means to get the exposure when they cannot–all in aid of election, pundits claim.

During the 2010 elections, presidential aspirant Manny Villar spent around P2 billion in ad placements. In the first quarter of 2010 alone, according to statistics from Nielsen Media, the senator was outspent by only five brand giants–Unilever, Procter & Gamble, United Laboratories, Colgate-Palmolive, and Nestle–in the list of 20 top-spending advertisers.
President Benigno Aquino III, then the second top-spending presidential candidate, also made it to “top 11” of the same list, spending P526 million for the same period.

The same was true for vice presidential candidates Manuel Roxas II, Jejomar Binay, Loren Legarda, and Bayani Fernando whose spending in advertising values totalled more than P560 million for the three-month period November 2009 to 08 February 2010, immediately preceding the official campaign period which began 09 February.

Approaching the May elections, advertisements from “government agencies and public utilities,” popularly known as “infomercials,” was also the top-ranking advertiser category for the first quarter of 2010. It had totalled P6.5 billion, increasing 267 percent from the previous year’s P1.78 billion.

Senators, past and present, had also been product endorsers: Villar, toothpaste; Legarda, face-whitening product; Roxas, detergent; Panfilo Lacson, facial care product; Francis Pangilinan, noodles; Francis Escudero, food supplement; Richard Gordon, bath soap; and Pia Cayetano, fabric softener.

So prevalent was the practice that international observer Asian Network for Free Elections reported that “even before the campaign period began, a lot of candidates broke the rules right away...There were already a number of candidates showing up on TV advertisements... They may not have explicitly said to vote for them but it was a way for them to be visible to the public...”
The “habit” is further reinforced with the perception that the Senate is but a “stepping stone” for higher office in some instances, or other “more favorable” executive posts in others.

Since the first Congress under the 1987 Constitution, very rarely has the Senate had a complete set of 24 senators for the duration of one Congress. Despite securing the mandate of the electorate, some senators prematurely ended their tenure in favor of more “attractive” prospects.
Raul Manglapus, during the 8th Congress, vacated his seat to be Foreign Affairs secretary in 1987. Teofisto Guingona Jr., in the 9th Congress, became executive secretary in 1993, and in the 11th Congress, once more left his seat to be vice president and Foreign Affairs secretary in 2001. Raul Roco became Education secretary on the same year, 2001. Blas Ople, during the 12th Congress, became Foreign Affairs Secretary in 2002.

Midterm vacancies have also occurred when incumbent senators were elected to other offices: in 1998, when Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was elected vice president; in 2004, when Noli de Castro was elected vice president; in 2007, when Alfredo Lim was elected Manila City mayor; and in 2010, when Aquino won and became the 10th senator to become president.
Even the Supreme Court in Philconsa vs Mathay (G.R. No. L-25554), acknowledged that the Senate, composed of “men of national prestige ... integrity...record and experience,” may be “a training ground for future Presidents of the nation.”

Presently and collectively, however, there is neither prestige nor integrity in passing only nine laws over the period of more than a year. No amount of media exposure–bought directly through advertisements or secured indirectly via televised investigations–changes that.

Anomalous Marathon..?

"The governor has reportedly been asked to explain where the registration fees paid by 5,147 participants in the 2010 CamSur Marathon had gone and why P5,660,160 in registration fees for 12,671 other registrants were not collected. The findings are part of an investigation that is based on reports that the provincial administration has not been issuing receipts for users of the tourism and sports facilities that it runs."

Corruption has taken a new form... MARATHONS?!

Taken from the article of Jojo Robles

We have been informed that Camarines Sur Gov. LRay Villafuerte has said that the adverse findings reported by the Commission on Audit against him and his administration for the years 2007-2009 have already been completely and satisfactorily answered. But we’ve also been told that COA has documents to show that the provincial government mismanaged Camarines Sur’s funds until last year.

The governor has reportedly been asked to explain where the registration fees paid by 5,147 participants in the 2010 CamSur Marathon had gone and why P5,660,160 in registration fees for 12,671 other registrants were not collected. The findings are part of an investigation that is based on reports that the provincial administration has not been issuing receipts for users of the tourism and sports facilities that it runs.

Furthermore, COA alleged that Villafuerte’s administration violated the Local Government Code when it entrusted to a private corporation called CamSur Events Inc. the collection of various fees from these events. Villafuerte, we’ve been told, is being asked to explain who owns the private outfit and if any of them are related to him or his fellow local officials.

There are also reports that government auditors are also looking into the Ironman and water-boarding events hosted by Camarines Sur this year. Villafuerte is also being linked to the purchase of P20 million in fuel from what seems to be a favored Petron dealership which COA said it did not pass through a bidding and which was improperly documented.

Of the P20 million in fuel, P4.9 million was reportedly used by MV LRay, a catamaran, for the period June to October 2010 to ferry passengers from Port Bongalon to various areas of Caramoan, Camarines. COA said that the vessel’s records revealed that the boat was on “standby” almost every day during the period when it was supposed to be ferrying people.

Of course, even the millions involved in these transactions are small compared to the P4.3 billion worth of property and equipment which COA said Villafuerte’s administration cannot account for. Now that the governor has decided to go after his supposed nemesis, Deputy Speaker Arnulfo Fuentebella, with graft charges after being charged himself before the Ombudsman, we expect more allegations to surface.

Small wonder, then, that most local officials in the province and nearly all members of Congress want to carve out the new province of Nueva Camarines from CamSur. Perhaps they can no longer stand Villafuerte?

Snitches are a Dying Breed...

After the “Hello, Garci” wiretaps were leaked to the media in 2005, Soliman and nine other GMA appointees—the so-called Hyatt 10—resigned and urged their erstwhile political patron to step down too.… The probes into the election cheating and other irregularities that took place during the GMA administration must continue. However, shouldn’t they cover all those who benefited from her presidency, including those who now are either allied with or part of the current administration?

By: Dan Mariano

Thanks to the relentless bid of Sen. Panfilo “Ping” Lacson to get back at Pampanga Rep. Gloria M. Arroyo and lawyer Jose Miguel Arroyo, evidence of massive fraud during the 2004 general elections allegedly committed by the then-president and her husband continue to surface.

Not a few observers, however, are concerned that Lacson and other senators allied to President Benigno Aquino 3rd are creating just a partial picture of election fraud by focusing on a limited set of GMA confederates. Election fraud so massive could only have been possible with the collaboration of numerous allies.

Even without a judicial judgment or congressional finding, the accusations of massive fraud that marred the polls seven years ago are widely accepted. In fact, weeks after the voting that handed Mrs. Aquino the mandate she had so desperately sought since she was catapulted to the presidency in 2001, election watchdogs were already offering proof of cheating.

Information technology expert Robert Verzola, for one, gave a detailed analysis of where the fraud in behalf of Mrs. Arroyo took place—and even by how much. In a study published in November 2004, Verzola combed through what he called the true results of the presidential race using the tally of the watchdog National Movement for Free Elections (Namfrel).

Verzola, an official Namfrel observer, said his study matched the information overheard from the wiretapped telephone conversations between Mrs. Arroyo and Virgilio Garcillano, then an official of the Commission on Elections. Mentioned in the “Hello, Garci” wiretaps were several provinces, mostly in Mindanao, where GMA’s strongest rival Fernando Poe Jr. (FPJ) won the voting; in those provinces too Verzola noted discrepancies in the final official tally, which gave Mrs. Arroyo a huge victory.

Verzola said that cheating occurred after the votes had already been counted at the precincts, which produced over 216,000 election returns (ERs). He added that the vote count recorded on those ERs were not faithfully reflected on the 177 certificates of canvass (CoCs), which became the basis for the bicameral congressional count held at the Batasan Pambansa, where Mrs. Arroyo was proclaimed winner.

Verzola pinpointed Basilan, Sultan Kudarat, Lanao del Sur and Sulu where he detected “reversal of leads,” adding that 41 to 75 percent differences were rigged in GMA’s favor. Other provinces where election outcomes were similarly tampered included Tawi-Tawi, Maguindanao, Lanao del Norte, Saranggani, Romblon and Zambales.

“There were about five million votes that were not properly tallied, four million in pro-FPJ areas and only one million in GMA areas,” he said.

In Metro Manila, Verzola said, FPJ’s lead was understated by some one million votes.

The massive poll fraud that misrepresented the will of the people in 2004, along with the lopsided campaign that preceded the election, was made possible with the participation of Mrs. Arroyo’s allies and underlings—a number of whom now hold key positions in the current administration.

From 2001 to 2005, Corazon “Dinky” Soliman served as secretary of the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) under Mrs. Arroyo. After the “Hello, Garci” wiretaps were leaked to the media in 2005, Soliman and nine other GMA appointees—the so-called Hyatt 10—resigned and urged their erstwhile political patron to step down too.

During a so-called “people’s court” held months later at the University of the Philippines in Diliman, Quezon City, Soliman gave “testimony” that the entire GMA cabinet and state resources were mobilized to boost Mrs. Arroyo’s election chances—in violation of, at the very least, anti-electioneering laws.

According to media reports on the UP “trial,” Soliman regretted her role in GMA’s election blitz, which included the distribution of Philhealth cards that bore Mrs. Arroyo’s picture and the slogan, “GMA para sa Masa, para sa Lahat” during the campaign period. The cards, valued at P1,600 each to cover medical assistance to indigent families, were handed out in poor communities where surveys showed FPJ had strong support, she reportedly said.

Following Mr. Aquino’s victory in last year’s presidential contest, Soliman managed to return to her old DSWD post.

The illegal use of state resources to boost GMA’s candidacy and the actual vote-buying and tampering of ERs and COCs had robbed FPJ of victory in the 2004 polls. But they are not the only factors that led to the loss of the late “King of Philippine Movies,” many of Poe’s followers still believe.

Analyses of the 2004 general elections showed that it was “one of the most emotional in the country’s history since the 1986 elections that resulted in the exile of Ferdinand Marcos.” Voters had become polarized between followers of deposed president Joseph Estrada who supported FPJ and those who favored GMA.

The then-opposition, however, saw its ranks shattered by the insistence of Lacson, Estrada’s former top cop, to also run for president—along with other, much weaker contenders that included another senator, Raul Roco, and evangelist Eddie Villanueva.

The official results of the presidential race showed GMA getting about 12.9 million votes; FPJ 11.7 million; Lacson 3.5 million; Roco 2.08 million; and Villanueva 1.9 million. To this day, FPJ die-hards believe that if only Lacson had agreed to put his presidential ambitions on hold, and had backed FPJ in 2004, no amount of cheating would have made Mrs. Arroyo win.

Other politicians now identified with the P-Noy administration have also been accused of allowing GMA to keep the presidency in 2004 under highly questionable circumstances.

On May 28, 2005, for instance, both chambers of Congress agreed on the rules for the bicameral canvass of votes cast for president and vice-president. A joint committee was created to act as the National Board of Canvassers (NBC), consisting of 11 senators and 11 congressmen as announced by then-Senate President Franklin Drilon Jr. and then-Speaker Jose de Venecia Jr.

According to at least one published account, the composition of the NBC was immediately lambasted by the then-opposition, which pointed out that the House portion of the committee consisted of nine pro-administration congressmen and two from the opposition.

The FPJ partisans sought “more equal representation for all the involved political parties in the committee.” However, they were thumbed down by Drilon and de Venecia—both of whom would later break with GMA.

Attempts by the opposition to question the CoCs were similarly dismissed by the NBC, which pro-GMA lawmakers dominated, with a patronizing “noted.”

Mrs. Arroyo had been president for nine long years that few of the officials and politicians who now denounce her were not “tainted” by association with her in one way or another.

Certainly, the probes into the election cheating and other irregularities that took place during the GMA administration must continue. However, shouldn’t they cover all those who benefited from her presidency, including those who now are either allied with or part of the current administration?

One in four Pinoys unemployed – NSO

The number of jobless Filipinos rose slightly in July because of slow economic growth and the Aquino administration’s failure to provide more employment opportunities.

Data from the National Statistics Office (NSO) showed that unemployment inched up to 7.1 percent in July to 2.82 million, higher than the 7 percent or 2.71 million unemployed in July last year. The underemployment rate, or people holding down part-time jobs, stood at 19.1 percent, down from 19.4 percent in April but still much higher than the 17.9 percent underemployment rate in the same period last year.

This means more than one in four working-age Filipinos are either unemployed or looking for more work.

The high unemployment and underemployment rates came after economic growth slowed to a disappointing 3.4 percent in the three months to June.

Government officials blamed the economic slowdown largely on overseas developments such as high oil prices, the March disasters in Japan, the poorly performing US and European economies, and unrest in the Arab world.

The NSO said 53.1 percent of the unemployed were in the 15 to 24 age group and majority of them, or 62.6 percent, were males. It added that 33.6 percent of the unemployed were high school graduates, 21.8 percent were college undergraduates and 20.8 percent were college graduates.

The country’s labor force as of July stood at 39.9 million.

The NSO said about 870,000 jobs were created as of July, while the total employment rate stood at 36.2 million or employment rate of 92.9 percent. A year ago, employment rate was 93 percent.

Of the estimated 37.1 million employed people in July, those in the services sector comprised the largest proportion, accounting to 52.2 percent of the total employed population.

About 32.6 percent were in the agriculture sector and 15.2 percent were in the industry sector.

Former Budget Secretary Benjamin Diokno said the 124,000 jobs in the construction sector were mostly created by the private sector.

“Fiscal numbers show that public projects have yet to take off as of July 2011,” Diokno said.

He added that policymakers would be faced with a difficult task of creating jobs in the months ahead.

Diokno said the number of workers would increase partly because of rising population and limited employment opportunities abroad. On the other hand, he added that the number of jobs wanted by firms and farm owners would slow owing to the growing uncertainty arising from a harsher, slower, and more uncertain global economy.

BY DARWIN G. AMOJELAR

SENATE blue-ribbon probe in aid of publicity?

“Guin-gona is just showing again his penchant for making conclusions even before ending his committee’s inquiries. Last March, he made a partial report on the unfinished blue-ribbon’s inquiry into the alleged corruption in the military and the plea bargaining agreement between state prosecutors... I sure wish they had shown the same temper at the previous inquiry into the alleged involvement of Local Government Undersecretary Rico Puno in the jueteng scandal.”

By: Efren Danao

Why must the Senate bluer-ibbon committee continue its probe into the purchase of choppers by the Philippine National Police (PNP) when it has already reached its own conclusions?

Yesterday, Tuesday, the committee headed by Sen. Teofisto “TG” Guingona 3rd held its fifth public hearing on the purchase of used helicopters passed off as new. Yet, as early as last month, Guingona and other committee members had already declared their “findings” on the transaction that took place in 2009, during the Arroyo administration.

Guingona and Sen. Franklin Drilon had already concluded that the choppers were really owned by Jose Miguel Arroyo, the spouse of the former president. They also said that the choppers were evidently overpriced with the connivance of key police officials.

Sure, the committee invited the former bookkeeper of Rep. Ignacio Arroyo, Ms. Rowena del Rosario, to testify about the transaction. Was this meant to give her and the Arroyos a fair hearing? Not at all because when Del Rosario gave testimony that did not jibe with the committee’s conclusion that Jose Miguel Arroyo was the owner, the panel immediately held her in contempt.

The panel also invited later the Arroyo brothers but they did not appear, claiming they were too ill to do so. I don’t think their non-appearance made any difference to Guingona and company. After all, they had already made their conclusions. Nothing that the brothers or the policemen would say in the hearings could change their belief.

The PNP has already filed charges before the Ombudsman against those suspected of involvement in the purchase of the choppers, including the former First Gentleman and former police officers, some of whom had also been invited to the Tuesday hearing. Drilon described the filing as a “hasty” act meant to give police officials who would be invited to the Senate probe an excuse to invoke the right against self-incrimination. As the deadline for this column is Monday, I can’t say anything on what might have transpired in the Tuesday hearing.

Justice delayed – for publicity?

Perhaps, the conclusions of Guingona and Drilon are correct. Perhaps, the transaction is an added proof that venalities were committed by the previous administration. But this not the whole point of this column. My point is, why devote more time, money and effort to an inquiry where the committee has already made conclusions? The two senators have bundles of papers on the chopper purchase in their possession. Why don’t they just give these and their recommendations to the Ombudsman to speed up the judicial process?

On second thought, Guin-gona is just showing again his penchant for making conclusions even before ending his committee’s inquiries. Last March, he made a partial report on the unfinished blue-ribbon’s inquiry into the alleged corruption in the military and the plea bargaining agreement between state prosecutors and the former military comptroller, retired M/Gen. Carlos Garcia. Senate Majority Leader Tito Sotto described that partial report as “a mere scrap of paper” that could not be referred to the plenary. Before Guingona, I had never heard of any Senate committee chairman coming out with a partial report on an ongoing investigation.

Oh well, at least on the inquiry into the purchase of choppers, he still has to make his formal report. But, will this lessen his error in continuing his inquiry into an issue where he has already made conclusions?

In the case of Ms. Del Rosario and General Garcia, the blue ribbon committee was incredulous and irate whenever they could not remember things that happened years ago. Perhaps, the indignation was righteous. I sure wish they had shown the same temper at the previous inquiry into the alleged involvement of Local Government Undersecretary Rico Puno in the jueteng scandal. Yet, the committee did not raise a howl when Puno said he could not remember the names of jueteng emissaries who went to his office just a few months earlier and tried to bribe him to allow jueteng operation.

Incidentally, whatever happened to that blue ribbon inquiry? Why the abrupt ending? And why is there no committee report yet? Is it because this incident took place under the Aquino administration, and it involved a shooting buddy? And whatever happened to the avowed intensive campaign against the illegal numbers game?

Pick on someone your own size, Congressman Mohammed Hussein Pangandaman

What observers are also curious about is how a congressman from a poor province was able to procure such an expensive ride... In a country like the Philippines where democracy is often revealed to be nothing more than an empty slogan, security guard Ricardo Bonayog does not stand a chance against someone like Pangandaman.

Pick on someone your own size,

Congressman Mohammed Hussein Pangandaman

BY: Dan Mariano

AS feared by many observers, the security guard who reported that he was mauled by Lanao del Sur Rep. Mohammed Hussein Pangandaman has decided not to press charges against the congressman.

In a country like the Philippines where democracy is often revealed to be nothing more than an empty slogan, security guard Ricardo Bonayog does not stand a chance against someone like Pangandaman.

Although the Commission on Human Rights has declared that it was willing to take the case, CHR officials finally admitted they could do nothing because Bonayog’s apparent desistance would leave a case against the Maranao congressman without a complainant.

Still, it took Bonayog about a week or so to change his mind.

Soon after his encounter with Pangandaman, Bonayog had gone to Station 9 of the Quezon City Police District and reported that the congressman had beat him up at around 4:30 p.m. on August 31 at the UP-Ayala Technohub complex.

Bonayog reported that while he was on duty at the parking lot, a silver-colored sports car with protocol plate number “8” reserved for congressmen approached, followed by a red Toyota Innova with plate number PCI-150 allegedly bearing the politician’s bodyguards.

Bonayog said that when he tried to conduct a routine security inspection on the Porsche, the congressman blew his top, stepped out of the car and assaulted the security guard, who was later brought to the Quirino Memorial Medical Center for treatment of head injuries.

The congressman would later say that Bonayog tried to draw his weapon, and that therefore Pangandaman merely defended himself.

Yeah, right.

Days after the incident, Bonayog looked like he was still determined to file a complaint against the congressman. According to media reports, he even went to the Batasang Pambansa—accompanied by police—and viewed the directory of the House of Representatives. He pointed to the picture of Pangandaman as the Porsche-owner who beat him up.

Explaining his decision not to press charges, Bonayog was quoted saying the other day that he feared for his and his family’s safety. Certainly, he has understandable reasons to be fearful. In a criminal case, he would be up against someone who is not only influential and rich, but also not shy about resorting to violence when he does not get his way.

In 2009, many people still remember, Pangandaman, his brother Nasser Jr. and their bodyguards figured in a brawl over links etiquette at the Valley Golf and Country Club in Antipolo City. There, too, the Pangandamans had invoked “self-defense” after members of the De la Paz family with whom they had an altercation allegedly tried to attack them with, of all things, an umbrella.

An umbrella?

As a result of that incident, the club membership of the Pangandaman’s father, then-Agarian Reform Secretary Nasser Sr. was suspended for two years, while the brawling brothers themselves were banned from the club’s premises.

Despite that embarrassing incident in 2009, Hussein still managed to get himself elected as representative of the first district of Lanao del Sur last year, while his brother Nasser Jr. was reelected mayor of Masiu.

If the accusations made against Pangandaman by, first, the De la Paz family over the Antipolo scuffle and, now, by Bonayog, are accurate, it does seem as though the congressman likes to pick on people much weaker than he—along with his bodyguards, of course.

The word “bully” quickly comes to mind.

Apart from the congressman’s apparently oppressive manner, the Technohub incident has also drawn attention to his car, described as “Porsche Carrera,” more specifically the profligacy of a representative of one of the country’s poorest provinces.

PGA Cars is the official Porsche dealer in the Philippines, and inquiries about the price of their vehicles are you usually met with a dismissive, “if you have to ask you can’t afford it.” Indeed, these German-engineered autos are regarded as among the most expensive, not only in this country, but also in the entire world.

An online review of “pre-owned” Porsches shows that, indeed, these cars are costly. Prices range from P2.45 million for a 1999 model Porsche 996 3.4-liter, six-cylinder Carrera to P6.1 million for a 2008 model that has already logged 18,000 kilometers. And these are second-hand cars!

As of this writing, it is not clear if the Porsche that Pangandaman had refused to be inspected by Bonayog at the Technohub parking lot is brand-new or pre-owned. What observers are also curious about is how a congressman from a poor province was able to procure such an expensive ride.

A recent post on the website of the National Statistical Coordination Board listed Lanao del Sur among the provinces in the “bottom cluster” in terms of poverty incidence, measured at almost 40 percent of all households in the case of Pangandaman’s constituency.

Meanwhile, the Philippine Institute of Development Studies (PIDS) lists Lanao del Sur as one of the “Bottom 10” provinces when it comes to real per capita income. In 2006, for instance, the real per capita income in Pangandaman’s province was measured at P14,281 in terms of NCR 1997 pesos.

PIDS also reported that Lanao del Sur belongs to the “Bottom 10” provinces in basic enrolment rate (85 percent), in life expectancy (58.7 years) and human development index (0.445).

And what have the political leaders of Lanao del Sur—like Pangandaman—been doing while their constituents wallow in poverty?

Tooling around Metro Manila in expensive cars—and beating up anyone who rubs them the wrong way.

Why not abolish the Philippine National Police?

“Since it was activated on January 29, 1991, the PNP has brought so much shame and damage to the nation that not a few quarters are beginning to believe that the Republic would be better—much better—off without the police.”

By: Dan Mariano
Language historians tell us that the term “police” originated in ancient Greece where the word polissoos referred to a person charged with “guarding a city.”

The polissoos maintained public order and enforced the orders of democratically elected magistrates—giving the citizens of the various Greek city-states peace of mind. In the case of the modern-day Philippines, however, the police have turned out to be a big reason—if not the biggest reason—for public insecurity.

Hardly a week passes without the Philippine National Police (PNP) being linked to some irregularity, its officers accused of practically every kind of criminal offense.

The other day, Sen. Franklin Drilon proposed to trim budget allocations for the PNP following the discovery of over 2,000 “ghost pensioners” who for years have stolen billions of pesos in taxpayers’ money from state coffers.

Last week, charges of plunder were reportedly filed against several persons—including Jose Miguel Arroyo, the former president’s husband and his police protégés—over the sale to the PNP of used helicopters, which they had allegedly passed off as brand-new. There was speculation, however, that the PNP complaints were part of a conspiracy to prevent the culprits from presenting themselves before an ongoing Senate inquiry as well as to intimidate some of them who had already offered to turn state witness.

At least four more senior PNP officers allegedly approved without authority the purchase of 16 defective and unserviceable patrol boats worth P4.9 million last year supposedly for the Police Maritime Group.

Many other cases involving PNP personnel had bloody outcomes.

Last August, the nation was reminded of the massacre of eight visitors from Hong Kong as well as the injury several others suffered after a PNP officer took them hostage then ran amuck during a botched attempt by other cops to rescue the victims.

On 23 November 2009, 58 people—including 34 media workers—were kidnapped and slaughtered in Maguindanao province on orders of a local political warlord clan. Not only did police fail to stop the merciless attack on unarmed civilians, 61 so-called lawmen allegedly took part in the killings, alongside armed flunkeys of the warlords.

Also in 2009, video of a Manila police officer torturing an inmate was aired on nationwide TV. Months later, another cop was accused of raping a female detainee right inside the Manila Police headquarters.

In 2008, ranking PNP officers and their wives were intercepted in Moscow after one of them was found in possession of 105,000 euros, which none of them had bothered to declare with Russian customs.

Since it was activated on January 29, 1991, the PNP has brought so much shame and damage to the nation that not a few quarters are beginning to believe that the Republic would be better—much better—off without the police.

The PNP has failed to crush organized crime—whether it involves syndicated carjacking, armed robbery, kidnap for ransom, white slavery or drug trafficking—giving rise to the suspicion that these same gangs include or are even headed by policemen.

The cops cannot even seem to deal with street crime. The daily tabloids are full of reports about hapless citizens victimized by muggers, pickpockets, snatchers and other petty crooks who never seem to get caught.

Various foreign governments regularly issue “travel advisories” telling their citizens not to venture to the Philippines—indicating how poorly the authorities in the United States, Britain, Australia and other countries regard the capability of the PNP. Those governments cannot rely on Filipino cops to secure their nationals from terrorist attacks, among other crimes.

Of Filipino cops it is often said: If they are not corrupt, they are inept. All too often, however, they are both.

Journalist Alan C. Robles, in an article recently published in D+C magazine, alluded to a UNDP study, which showed that in 2004 over 20,000 PNP officers did not actually have service firearms. “Those who did were issued only 28 rounds of ammunition for one year, with [10 more bullets] for marksmanship training.”

In 2004 too, the entire PNP needed an estimated 25,000 handheld radios, but it had only 2,280, the UNDP noted.

Robles—who now reportedly teaches online journalism at the GIZ International Institute for Journalism in Berlin—also alluded to a paper that “surfaced” last January, which claimed that “in nine of the country’s 15 regions, nearly 80?% of police investigators have had no formal training.”

No wonder then that the PNP—just like its precursor agencies—has consistently been rated poorly by the public.

Surveys conducted by respected pollsters like Social Weather Stations and Pulse Asia reflect the belief of ordinary Filipinos that the PNP is a corrupt agency, second only to the notorious public works department.

The results of other opinion polls show levels of public confidence in the police hovering from “bad” to “very bad.” When its rating somehow swung to “poor” a few years back, Camp Crame made a big deal out of it and boasted that the PNP’s public image was “improving,” Robles noted.

The PNP was the offshoot of a merger of the Philippine Constabulary (PC) and the Integrated National Police (INP). The PC was a branch of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and became notorious for its eager enforcement of martial law proclamation issued in 1972 by then-President Ferdinand Marcos. The INP grouped together the various local police units maintained by municipal and city governments that had been run along civilian lines.

The PNP, as provided for in the 1987 Constitution, is a civilian organization but many of its high-ranking officials came from the PC and graduated from the Philippine Military Academy. To this day, many of them prefer to be addressed as “generals” and “colonels”—and they continue to behave in the same imperious manner of the old, militaristic PC officer corps.

Not that the newer generation of cops are turning out to be any better. Just recently, video surfaced of the “hazing”—again, a la AFP—suffered by police recruits at the hands of their superiors. Such vicious initiation rites only serve to turn the men and women charged with keeping peace into brutes.

P-Noy appointee Director General Raul Bacalzo, who has evidently done little to turn the PNP around and make it a genuinely professional organization, is due to retire on Friday.

Few observers are confident that his successor would prove to be any better.

Marquez to face a new Pacquiao

As Manny Pacquiao morphed from an off-beat slugger to a more polished puncher through the years, Juan Manuel Marquez has remained the same – patient but potent.



While Pacquiao continues to display his old, trademark moves, the Filipino has mellowed down a bit, a peculiarity that Marquez’s Hall of Fame trainer Nacho Beristain said might work in their favor come November 12 in Las Vegas.



“Pacquiao has become more refined now,” said Beristain, noting that before “Pacquiao would jump in and out.”



Beristain, known for his strategic brilliance, said the fact that Pacquiao has cut down on these risky but highly-rewarding moves might do wonders in Marquez’s gameplan since it would make it easier for his fighter to launch his own offensive.



Still, Beristain believes the third fight would still be very much like the first two matches between Pacquiao and Marquez: a thrilling draw in 2004 and an action-packed split decision win for Pacquiao in 2008.



“I don’t think there’d be a knockout but this will be 12 rounds of high-level boxing,” said the 68-year-old Beristain, maker of many of Mexico’s finest champions.



Even if Pacquiao has tweaked his style a bit, Beristain remains cautious of Pacquiao, whose mix of power and speed would bring problems even to the most skillful of fighters.



“The key is to neutralize his speed,” added Beristain.



Publicist Ricardo Jimenez, a former sportswriter for La Opinion who has closely followed Marquez’s career, said even at the age of 38, Marquez is still a dangerous opponent.



“He doesn’t get flustered,” said Jimenez, stressing that Marquez’s ring savvy is one of a kind.



Meanwhile, as a sideshow to the buildup for the four-city press tour that will be kicked off by Manila Saturday, Marquez met with Mexican ambassador to the Philippines on Friday afternoon.



Jimenez was told that there are just a few hundred Mexicans living in the Philippines and about 50 of them live in Metro Manila.



“I think those living in Manila were all there,” said Jimenez.



Jimenez said Mexican staples like taco and quesadilla were served but was amazed that there were rare ingredients that he never thought would be served in the dining table.



“We were told that they had a lot of difficulties finding the ingredients,” said Jimenez.



But while the food was authentic, the beverage served were not.



There was no Corona nor Tecate, two popular Mexican cervezas, said Jimenez.



“They served San Miguel (beer).”



“It was good,” said Jimenez.

By NICK GIONGCO

(mis)Communication Group

Columnist Danny Fajardo opines that “when you engage in bizarre and blatant display of extreme extravagance, such as procuring overpriced laptop computers for the Palace communications group without the mandatory bidding, a berating is what you deserve—courtesy of a woman named Mitos. Time to move on and look for another job.”

When asked if he was doing a good job in messaging shortly after receiving a severe tongue-lashing from feisty Zambales Rep. Mitos Magsaysay last Thursday, Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office (PCDSPO) Secretary Ricky Carandang was quoted as saying that “the issue is a matter of opinion.”



Excuse me, Mr. Carandang, but I beg to differ.



You see, it is not a matter of perception on whether you are doing a good job in putting across the message of President Benigno Aquino III for his beloved countrymen.



Communication is simply the activity of conveying meaningful information.



Ergo, you know when you are doing a good job when the people understand the message, and when they accept the message you are sending simply as facts and not propaganda.



When they acknowledge your message as the truth, well then, brownie points for you. You’ve served your master well.



But when your actions get in the way, when you issue scathing remarks not sanctioned by the President, when you breed animosity by making inflammatory statements, when you make sarcastic answers to questions addressed to you by an elected official—vituperation from your colleagues is just around the corner.



When you engage in bizarre and blatant display of extreme extravagance, such as procuring overpriced laptop computers for the Palace communications group without the mandatory bidding, a berating is what you deserve—courtesy of a woman named Mitos. Time to move on and look for another job.



For the likes of you, an appointed official, your own opinions have no place if not sanctioned by the President.



You represent the President. And whatever comes out of your mouth, whatever actions you beget, should all be for the good of the Chief Executive’s office.



Other than this, anything else is considered an impediment to what you are supposed to deliver.



Mr. Carandang, you are supposed to build bridges not burn them.



Your office should be a source of enlightenment and understanding.



Not a provenience of confusion and even embarrassment on the part of the President.



You, being a mouthpiece, when people see and hear you speak, they should see and hear the President.



Bottomline—the communication process is complete once the receiver has understood the message of the sender. The sender in this case is the President and not you, Mr. Carandang. Your sole role is that of facilitator.



Indeed, the question begs an answer, courtesy of Carandang, as raised by Rep. Magsaysay: What is the mandate of your office, and how is this different from the functions of Undersecretary Manolo Quezon, Presidential Spokesperson Edwin Lacierda, his deputy Abigail Valte and even Presidential Communications Operations Office Secretary Sonny Coloma.



Your horde should be doing a good job considering your numbers.



But in any case, when it is not Lacierda who is committing the blunders, there your are, not far behind to take over the jester’s place.



For failing to project the best image for President Aquino, the Communications team should step aside. There are other people out there who could do a better job and let the better Noynoy shine.



People like you, whose corrosive personality supersede that of the President’s, have no place in Malacañang.



You should have stayed on as a “news reader” at ANC.



But then again, maybe not.