“(Joker) Arroyo believes investigations have been fishing expeditions against certain political targets. (Miriam) Santiago thinks they are motivated by the need for “self-promotion,” because “a number of Senators just want to see themselves on tv,” thus turning proceedings into “inquiries in aid of election... The habits and behavior of today’s politicians continue to evolve alongside the media’s growing influence on the political landscape. Senators, and politicians as a whole, would buy ad space when they can, or resort to more creative means to get the exposure when they cannot–all in aid of election, pundits claim. ”
by Karl Allan Barlaan and Christian Cardiente
The appeal for temperance is not without basis. But for the likes of Senators Joker Arroyo and Miriam Defensor-Santiago – the two lawmakers who have criticized their colleagues’ perceived lust for media exposure at the expense of the Senate’s legislative functions – calling for restraint is like paddling against the tides, more so because of the approaching 2013 mid-term elections.
After more than a year, the Senate of the 15th Congress, as of Sept. 6, has passed only nine laws of the 203 it had acted upon, out of 3133 bills and joint resolutions endorsed to it or filed before its committees. The figures are statistically inferior to that of the 14th Congress’ Senate which enacted 151 laws and submitted six for the President’s approval, among others.
For both Arroyo and Santiago, the underperformance is due to a penchant for “inquiries in aid of legislation,” from which, and ironically, not much legislation has resulted. Arroyo believes investigations have been fishing expeditions against certain political targets. Santiago thinks they are motivated by the need for “self-promotion,” because “a number of Senators just want to see themselves on tv,” thus turning proceedings into “inquiries in aid of election.”
But if other senators had their way, there would be a whole lot more of these inquiries. According to Senate records, as of Sept. 6, 60 percent or 328 of all 578 resolutions filed sought “inquiries in aid of legislation.”
These range from the first one, Senate Resolution No. (SRN) 6, filed 21 July 2010 by Loren Legarda on the “oil spill in Batangas,” to the latest, SRN 578, filed 24 August 2011by Manny Villar on “dog meat trade.”
Like most other resolutions, both remain pending at the committee level. Only 10 percent of these resolutions–58 of 578–have been adopted by the Senate; 30 or more than half of the 58 those adopted, “congratulating or commending” individuals or groups for their accomplishments. The rest are sub-divided into: resolutions expressing “sympathy or condolences;” pro-forma resolutions such as Adopted Resolution No. 1, informing the Executive that the Senate has been constituted; announcing new policies such as Adopted Resolution No. 21, authorizing the live streaming of select Senate proceedings; and constituting bodies such as Adopted Resolution No. 11, creating an Intelligence and Confidential Funds oversight committee.
Notably, and as if to confirm Santiago’s statements about the tendency for “self-promotion,” four consecutive resolutions–Adopted Resolution Nos. 46 to 49–respectively gave commendations to: minority leader Alan Peter Cayetano; majority leader Vicente Sotto III; Senate President Pro-tempore Jinggoy Estrada; and Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile. The resolutions were verbose congratulatory notes to Senate leaders for doing the job they had been mandated to do anyway.
Curiously, the Senate has yet to adopt Santiago’s SRN 86, filed 11 August 2010 or more than a year ago, urging the Ombudsman to act expeditiously on cases referred to it by Congress–aimed at ensuring that the findings produced from congressional investigations did not go to waste.
Moreover, just as the Senate has vigorously exercised “oversight function” over the Executive, its own rules remain lax on the submission of committee reports that should contain findings and recommendations that should result from investigations. Section 22 of the rules governing “inquiries in aid of legislation” provides that, “within fifteen (15) days after the conclusion of the inquiry, the Committee shall meet to begin the consideration of its Report.” The rules are silent on when an actual report should be submitted after its “consideration” has begun. “It is not uncommon for the Senate to conclude inquiries, (and) for Congress to adjourn, without having passed the corresponding committee reports,” claims a Senate employee.
Santiago’s criticisms, therefore, hold sway. The habits and behavior of today’s politicians continue to evolve alongside the media’s growing influence on the political landscape. Senators, and politicians as a whole, would buy ad space when they can, or resort to more creative means to get the exposure when they cannot–all in aid of election, pundits claim.
During the 2010 elections, presidential aspirant Manny Villar spent around P2 billion in ad placements. In the first quarter of 2010 alone, according to statistics from Nielsen Media, the senator was outspent by only five brand giants–Unilever, Procter & Gamble, United Laboratories, Colgate-Palmolive, and Nestle–in the list of 20 top-spending advertisers.
President Benigno Aquino III, then the second top-spending presidential candidate, also made it to “top 11” of the same list, spending P526 million for the same period.
The same was true for vice presidential candidates Manuel Roxas II, Jejomar Binay, Loren Legarda, and Bayani Fernando whose spending in advertising values totalled more than P560 million for the three-month period November 2009 to 08 February 2010, immediately preceding the official campaign period which began 09 February.
Approaching the May elections, advertisements from “government agencies and public utilities,” popularly known as “infomercials,” was also the top-ranking advertiser category for the first quarter of 2010. It had totalled P6.5 billion, increasing 267 percent from the previous year’s P1.78 billion.
Senators, past and present, had also been product endorsers: Villar, toothpaste; Legarda, face-whitening product; Roxas, detergent; Panfilo Lacson, facial care product; Francis Pangilinan, noodles; Francis Escudero, food supplement; Richard Gordon, bath soap; and Pia Cayetano, fabric softener.
So prevalent was the practice that international observer Asian Network for Free Elections reported that “even before the campaign period began, a lot of candidates broke the rules right away...There were already a number of candidates showing up on TV advertisements... They may not have explicitly said to vote for them but it was a way for them to be visible to the public...”
The “habit” is further reinforced with the perception that the Senate is but a “stepping stone” for higher office in some instances, or other “more favorable” executive posts in others.
Since the first Congress under the 1987 Constitution, very rarely has the Senate had a complete set of 24 senators for the duration of one Congress. Despite securing the mandate of the electorate, some senators prematurely ended their tenure in favor of more “attractive” prospects.
Raul Manglapus, during the 8th Congress, vacated his seat to be Foreign Affairs secretary in 1987. Teofisto Guingona Jr., in the 9th Congress, became executive secretary in 1993, and in the 11th Congress, once more left his seat to be vice president and Foreign Affairs secretary in 2001. Raul Roco became Education secretary on the same year, 2001. Blas Ople, during the 12th Congress, became Foreign Affairs Secretary in 2002.
Midterm vacancies have also occurred when incumbent senators were elected to other offices: in 1998, when Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was elected vice president; in 2004, when Noli de Castro was elected vice president; in 2007, when Alfredo Lim was elected Manila City mayor; and in 2010, when Aquino won and became the 10th senator to become president.
Even the Supreme Court in Philconsa vs Mathay (G.R. No. L-25554), acknowledged that the Senate, composed of “men of national prestige ... integrity...record and experience,” may be “a training ground for future Presidents of the nation.”
Presently and collectively, however, there is neither prestige nor integrity in passing only nine laws over the period of more than a year. No amount of media exposure–bought directly through advertisements or secured indirectly via televised investigations–changes that.
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